Vice President Humphrey meets with Governor McKeithan in Baton Rouge, Community Relations Service officials urge negotiations, and the Justice Department threatens to prosecute the owners of segregated establishments under the Civil Rights Act which they have been violating for the past nine months.
The Klansmen, of course, are left free to continue attacking other protesters. Ray McElveen, a CZ employee, is arrested. McKeithen refuses, but offers to help broker a deal. He summons help from neighbors, and fifteen armed men arrive to defend against the KKK. The federally financed Community Medical Center will only writing a photo-essay on the bombing of hiroshima and nagasaki Blacks on Thursdays except in serious emergencies.
And because Louisiana segregation laws require separate "white" and "Colored" locals, there is a cadre of experienced Afro-American labor activists in places like Bogalusa even though Black workers in the Crown-Zellerbach plants are heavily outnumbered by whites.
Another federal lawsuit seeks to desegregate several restaurants, and brutality charges are brought against the parish K9 squad for the beating of Sam Barnes in the parish jail. And throughout, it is the armed protection of the Deacons that keeps the Movement alive by shielding the community, its leaders, and activists from assasinations, bombings, and other forms of lethal terrorism.
While CZ will only contract with whites to cut the timber that forms the raw material for their plants, the actual cutting and hauling labor is done by Black subcontractors who pay a commission on each load to the white man who holds the prime contract with CZ. The rising tide of Freedom Movement activity in the early s inspires Black workers to begin challenging job discrimination and segregation in the CZ plants.
When none appear, they attack reporters. The only time they said anything to me was when I had been knocked down. For more information on the Bogalusa Civil Rights Movement: They file a lawsuit to enjoin the KKK and 35 named Klansmen from violence. They beat and kick him until a group of Black men force them back long enough for Yates to reach the cafe.
They are opposed and attacked by hundreds of whites who rove the downtown area assaulting Blacks. Warned it will be bombed, the church withdraws use of its facility. They promise to improve city services such as lighting, sewage, and paving in Black neighborhoods and enforce housing health and safety codes.
Behind the protection of this patriotic cover, they sharply escalate their violence. Anticipating a violent Klan reaction, he dispatches an additional State Troopers to Bogalusa. Some businesses obey the law and serve them, but many others refuse. The police do nothing. Klansman try to grab the two women in the back seat, they pull Johnson from the car, beating and kicking him.
On May 30, some Klansmen, half in white hoods and robes, stage a Klan rally in Bogalusa. The CZ plants close for the day freeing up Klansmen who might otherwise be working.
They invent nonexistent controversies between the bad "violent tactics" of the Deacons and the good nonviolence of CORE, and they enormously exaggerate disagreements between the Deacons and other Freedom Movement organizations and leaders.
Klan harassment and threats drive a white family suspected of socializing with Blacks from town, a white Tulane student who participated in the New Orleans sit-ins is brutally assaulted, a white CZ worker is kidnapped and whipped with leather belts for the "crime" of playing folk music with Blacks in his private home.
Moore is killed instantly. Death threats and White Citizens Council economic warfare drive the few white moderates out of the county or into deep hiding.
Nor are Klansmen willing to face serious jail time. For all their bravado, Klansmen show little enthusiasm for a stand-up fight with Blacks armed and ready to return fire.
Day after day and minute by minute, the Deacons make constant tactical decisions over if, when, and how to intervene. They also promise to hire some Afro-American police officers and "consider" employing Blacks in other city jobs.
By June ofthe Los Angeles Times is claiming that there are 15, Deacons in 50 chapters across the South, other publications see in the Deacons ominous portents of Black terrorism and guerrilla armies.
They hurl bricks and bottles from speeding cars at Black pedestrians regardless of whether or not they are active with the Movement.
But for that deterrence to work, the Deacons have to continue to exist and operate as an organized force. More than police try to keep order, but they are unable or unwilling to prevent Klansmen from darting in to attack the marchers.Read the latest stories about LIFE on Time.
Throughout the Fall of and into earlySNCC and COFO organizers and volunteers continue to work with dedicated local activists to provide a Freedom Movement presence in Issaquena County. BibMe Free Bibliography & Citation Maker - MLA, APA, Chicago, Harvard.
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